Trump sees power as military strength — and nukes as the apex of that power

 In World

President Trump introduces Army Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster, his national security adviser, on Feb. 20, 2017. (Kevin Lamarque/Reuters)

On Wednesday, NBC News reported that President Trump sought a dramatic increase in the number of nuclear weapons in the United States’ arsenal. It’s a position that runs contrary to recent presidential administrations, during which international treaties were developed with the aim of reducing nuclear weapon stockpiles around the world. But a request to boost our nuclear capabilities fits squarely with Trump’s understanding of power.

There’s an anonymous quote in Dexter Filkins’s recent overview of Rex Tillerson’s State Department that does a lot to explain this idea.

Tillerson has been at odds with Trump on a number of issues, with neither man going to great lengths to hide those differences. But in one way Tillerson is adhering strictly to what Trump wants to see from the diplomatic arm of his administration. Tillerson has been slow to fill vacant staff positions within the department; there are currently 37 Senate-confirmable positions open, nine months into the administration. Other lower-profile positions are also empty, intentionally, as Tillerson seeks to shrink the overall size (and cost) of the organization he runs.

President Trump and his Secretary of State Rex Tillerson have been on shaky ground for weeks, and Trump’s challenge of an ‘IQ test’ face-off with Tillerson isn’t smoothing things over. Here’s a look back at where their relationship derailed. (Jenny Starrs/The Washington Post)

That’s the context for this section of Filkins’s article.

As the Trump Administration pushed for cuts in diplomacy, it was proposing to increase defense spending by fifty-four billion dollars—roughly equal to the entire budget of the State Department. The choice seems to reflect a sense that force is more valuable than diplomacy in international affairs, and that other countries, even allies, respond better to threats than to persuasion. “All of our tools right now are military,” a former senior official in the Obama Administration told me. “When all of your tools are military, those are the tools you reach for.”

This, in a nutshell, is Trump’s theory of presidential power.

Trump came to the job from the private sector, from spending decades as the sole authority over his own company. He revealed his sense of what the job of president entailed when he said during the Republican convention last year that “I alone can fix” the problems the country faces. He never had a distinct strategy for building consensus on Capitol Hill and has, instead, pushed the boundaries of unilateral executive orders to enact his will. The president isn’t a CEO, but there are ways in which the president can act like a CEO, and Trump has embraced those tools.

Nowhere is that power more immediate than in the president’s role as civilian commander of the armed forces. As president, Trump calls the shots for the nation’s soldiers, sailors, marines and airmen. He can’t launch a war without congressional authority but, as recent presidents have shown, he has a lot of leeway to take military action without a formal declaration of war. This is the closest Trump will get to CEO power in the White House — and it’s a power for which he has an ingrained respect.

Trump never served himself, avoiding the Vietnam War draft by deferment while he was in college and later for bone spurs in his heels, a reason that has been met with scrutiny. He instead suggested that his time at the New York Military Academy — a boarding school north of New York City — offered him an equivalent experience.

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