This statement is not a line delivered by a Mafia boss in the Godfather series. It’s an actual statement then–Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin made on national TV in 2010. So it’s of little surprise that the British media were quick to blame the Kremlin on March 6 when 68-year-old former Russian spy Sergei Skripal and his daughter, Yulia, were poisoned with a deadly nerve agent in the center of the sleepy English country town of Salisbury.
It would be outrageous enough if Russia’s president ordered such a hit on British soil. But the more frightening possibility is that the attempted assassination was the work of a Russian death squad operating with official impunity but on its own initiative. Putin has often been blamed for the murder of his opponents—from the poisoning death of former KGB officer Alexander Litvinenko in London in 2006 to the deadly shooting of leading activist Boris Nemtsov on a Moscow bridge in 2015. And perhaps rightly so. But what if Russia’s president is not, in fact, an all-seeing puppet master, as some believe he is, but rather just an average autocratic leader in charge of an unruly and murderous gang of semi-rogue spies?
“One thing that makes me cautious [about apportioning blame to the Kremlin] is that it’s just an incredibly dumb thing to do right now,” says one British member of Parliament who has sat on the House of Commons’s Defence Committee (he did not wish to be quoted on the record before all the facts of the Skripal case have been uncovered). “Russia is on best behavior before the World Cup…. This was done in such a public manner. For Putin, there’s nothing but damage from this.”
Indeed, Litvinenko’s killing poisoned U.K.-Russian relations and was the precursor to several waves of sanctions by the British government against top Russian officials—first in connection with the murder of anti-corruption lawyer Sergei Magnitsky in 2007 and later related to Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. The two countries have only begun to recover from the damage.
British politicians have so far been cautious about assigning blame. On March 7, Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson told Parliament that the U.K. will “respond appropriately and robustly” if a Russian connection is likely. But as with the killing of Litvinenko in 2006, even the most intensive forensic investigation of the attempt on Skripal is unlikely to yield any leads that link the attack directly to the Kremlin.
Immediately after Skripal’s poisoning, which left the former spy and his daughter comatose on a bench following a lunch at Salisbury’s Zizzi restaurant, Russia’s propaganda machine went into full denial mode. Maria Zakharova, a spokeswoman for the Foreign Ministry, told reporters that the allegations were being used to whip up an “anti-Russian campaign in Britain.” And Mikhail Lyubimov, a former KGB London station chief in the 1980s, told Moscow-based Dozd TV that “you’ve got to be an idiot to suddenly do this right before our presidential elections.” Lyubimov’s conspiracy theory is simple: A Western secret service—he didn’t say which one—or “some kind of Russian gang linked to some Western secret services” carried out the attack to whip up anti-Putin feeling in the West.
It’s extraordinarily far-fetched. But Lyubimov is right about one thing: Unlike the murder of Litvinenko, the Skripal attack was very public and very traceable. A British government inquiry concluded that Litvinenko was killed after two former KGB colleagues, Andrei Lugovoi (now a member of the Russian Duma) and Dmitry Kovtun, slipped a dose of deadly polonium into a cup of green tea during a meeting at the Millennium Hotel in London’s Mayfair district. (They’ve denied the allegations). Litvinenko, who had received political asylum in the U.K. after defecting from Russia, died in agony 23 days later in the hospital. The day before, his doctors tested him for the presence of the rare radioactive element, which naturally decays in the human body and soon becomes untraceable. (Which is the main reason why polonium, along with thallium, was the KGB’s secret poison of choice during the Cold War.)
The Skripal hit was very different. Soon after the attack, British police identified the substance used as a nerve agent—without specifying which one—but said it does not decay and is so deadly that the first policeman on the scene was also admitted to a hospital, in critical condition. Nerve agents such as sarin or VX have been the main components of chemical weapons for 60 years and, for obvious reasons, are closely controlled substances. “Nerve agents are so toxic, it is hard to see this as anything other than a state actor,” conservative lawmaker Tom Tugendhat, who chairs Parliament’s cross-party Foreign Affairs Committee, told the BBC. “Murdering someone on the streets of the U.K. is bad enough, but using a nerve agent puts at risk everyone nearby or who goes to help.”
The extreme toxicity of the weapon may mean that only a state organization could have got hold of it—but does it follow that the hit was ordered by Putin? “Russia hasn’t hunted down its defectors since the 1940s,” Lugovoi, the chief suspect in the Litvinenko murder (whom Russia has refused to extradite on British murder charges), told Radio Echo Moskvy. “Russia cannot have any connection to this, by definition.” Or, according to a former KGB major general who worked for Soviet intelligence in London and requested anonymity because he now works in the private sector in Moscow, “it’s absurd to think our guys would be so clumsy…. This is a crude provocation, dressed up to look like it was us.”
On the other hand, Skripal undoubtedly falls under Putin’s definition of “traitors.” A colonel in the GRU, Russia’s military intelligence service, he reportedly worked for the British Secret Intelligence Service from 1995 until his retirement in 1999—and received some £100,000 ($139,000) in exchange for betraying GRU agents in Europe, according to Russian court documents. He was arrested in Moscow in December 2004, charged with “high treason in the form of espionage” and sentenced to 13 years in jail.